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The Economist Blames Modi and Supports Rahul as Lesser Evil in the Eve of the Indian Election 2014: A Rebuttal-2
Furthermore, with half of those killed in 2002 Gujarat riots being Hindus – killed by Modi's troops and by Muslims – while using 'pogrom' in this instance is not doing justice to the word, and not mentioning Hindus' plight is not doing justice to the families of dead Hindus, not blaming Modi or even Muslims for the Hindu deaths is a denial of logical thought that concludes it was a riot. Almost as a shocker to The Economist, this suggests the alleged sectarian anti-Muslim, Modi, actually killed his own ilk— the Hindus! A logical interpretation of this killing of Hindus clearly shows Modi not hesitating to use state machinery to kill his 'own people' to effectively quell the riot. With him effectively ruling over a riot-free state, in which Muslims also progressed and even freely voted for him, and his recent assertions tending to unite people of different faiths, ethnicities, castes, etc. under a futuristic vision as never before, its repeat of the slogan 'Modi is a divisive figure' isn't right. In fact it almost brings in 'If he divides, he divides people who believe in the media hype and who do research'. With the RSS seeking a civil code for all, even his associ- ation with the latter isn't so divisive. Even if he strays from his futuristic vision as a PM, with India being dependent on Middle Eastern petrol and jobs, him being constrained by national and international laws like Tony Blair and Net-equipped globalised world ogling at his prime ministerial ways, means him causing divisional or other problems is as plausible as Congress winning this election. The paper expressing fear of future under his leadership is thus pure scaremongering. With army not treading? to take over power, Indira Gandhi getting flak for the Emergency, freedom of speech being cherished as in USA and election comm- ission being impartial, even him turning into a dictator isn't plausible. With Atom Bomb stopping all wars – even making a boring world as Fukuyama says – Modi can't take India to war aga- inst Pakistan. Far from not knowing what Modi will do, as the article suggests, his assertions make it pretty clear. Altho- ugh its beneficiary, Pakistani elite, alone can solve the hostility problem by lessening Jihadists, if Modi does what he says, through use of efficient manpower and technologies as by Israel, he can make infiltration futile and lessen hostility. Even if not good for the arms-selling West, this reduction in hostility is good news for average Pakistanis, who get no goodies but fear of routine bombings alone. While its support for a non-winning party, unlike a brilliant U-turn by the USA, shows lack of concern for its future, its advice given to Modi and Rahul show lack of thought about their implications. For example, its suggestion to choose a leader other than Modi after election does not see the greater tragedy of cheating of the people, ransacking of BJP offices and even killing of BJP leaders by the cheated. With it being a coalition victory and his associates being drenched in corruption, the paper suggesting victorious Rahul to step back and promote mode- rnisation sounds farfetched. To really modernise the country, he has to end corruption. This means putting many leaders, including his family members, in jail. Expecting this lone novice to do the above is unthinkable. Instead, a rise of unpunis- hed corrupt as a disaster, could easily lead India into a West-dependent state, and a burden to UN charity agencies. Lesser of the two evils, thus, could easily be the greater. Like the al Qaeda and the secular rebels fighting in unison against a common enemy Assad, post-secular, non-divisive Congress president Sonia Gandhi's meet with the Sahi Bukhari of Jama Masjid, unifier-seeking The Economist suddenly finds itself aligned with the divisive latter in the fight against Modi. Though a huge reaction makes 'Indians don't give a damn about foreign media' wrong, like the backfiring of the Sonia Sahi meet, that foreign sentiment backfiring on the paper's goals may not be so wrong. Finally, freedom of expression is extremely important for the progress of mankind and the paper has the right to a free speech. But that right has limitations. Airing untruth is one of them.  Link to The Economist article                                                                                  ----------------------------
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